Guided Reading Activity Northern and Southerneuope Anwser Key Chapter 12

*The American Yawp is an evolving, collaborative text. Please click here to improve this chapter.*

• I.  Introduction
• Ii. The Offset Americans
• Three.  European Expansion
• IV. Spanish Exploration and Conquest
• V.  Decision
• Half dozen. Main Sources
• Seven. Reference Material

I.  Introduction

Europeans chosen the Americas "the New Globe." But for the millions of Native Americans they encountered, it was anything but. Humans have lived in the Americas for over ten thousand years. Dynamic and various, they spoke hundreds of languages and created thousands of distinct cultures. Native Americans congenital settled communities and followed seasonal migration patterns, maintained peace through alliances and warred with their neighbors, and developed self-sufficient economies and maintained vast trade networks. They cultivated distinct art forms and spiritual values. Kinship ties knit their communities together. Merely the inflow of Europeans and the resulting global exchange of people, animals, plants, and microbes—what scholars benignly call the Columbian Substitution—bridged more than ten thousand years of geographic separation, inaugurated centuries of violence, unleashed the greatest biological terror the world had ever seen, and revolutionized the history of the earth. Information technology began one of the most consequential developments in all of human history and the start chapter in the long American yawp.

Ii. The First Americans

American history begins with the first Americans. Simply where do their stories start? Native Americans passed stories down through the millennia that tell of their creation and reveal the contours of Indigenous belief. The Salinan people of present-day California, for example, tell of a bald hawkeye that formed the start man out of clay and the first adult female out of a plume.¹ According to a Lenape tradition, the earth was made when Sky Woman barbarous into a watery world and, with the help of muskrat and beaver, landed safely on a turtle's back, thus creating Turtle Island, or North America. A Choctaw tradition locates southeastern peoples' beginnings inside the smashing Mother Mound earthwork, Nunih Waya, in the lower Mississippi Valley.² Nahua people trace their ancestry to the identify of the Seven Caves, from which their ancestors emerged before they migrated to what is now key United mexican states.³ America'due south Indigenous peoples have passed down many accounts of their origins, written and oral, which share creation and migration histories.

Archaeologists and anthropologists, meanwhile, focus on migration histories. Studying artifacts, bones, and genetic signatures, these scholars take pieced together a narrative that claims that the Americas were once a "new globe" for Native Americans likewise.

The last global ice age trapped much of the world's water in enormous continental glaciers. Xx grand years ago, ice sheets, some a mile thick, extended across North America as far south as modern-twenty-four hour period Illinois. With and so much of the world'due south h2o captured in these massive water ice sheets, global sea levels were much lower, and a land bridge continued Asia and Northward America across the Bering Strait. Between twelve and twenty yard years agone, Native ancestors crossed the water ice, waters, and exposed lands between the continents of Asia and America. These mobile hunter-gatherers traveled in small bands, exploiting vegetable, animal, and marine resource into the Beringian tundra at the northwestern edge of North America. DNA evidence suggests that these ancestors paused—for peradventure fifteen thousand years—in the expansive region between Asia and America.⁴ Other ancestors crossed the seas and voyaged along the Pacific coast, traveling forth riverways and settling where local ecosystems permitted.^five Glacial sheets receded around fourteen thousand years ago, opening a corridor to warmer climates and new resources. Some ancestral communities migrated due south and due east. Evidence found at Monte Verde, a site in mod-day Chile, suggests that human being activity began in that location at least 14,500 years ago. Similar prove hints at human being settlement in the Florida panhandle and in Central Texas at the same time.⁶ On many points, archaeological and traditional cognition sources converge: the dental, archaeological, linguistic, oral, ecological, and genetic evidence illustrates a great deal of diversity, with numerous groups settling and migrating over thousands of years, potentially from many different points of origin.^vii Whether emerging from the earth, water, or heaven; being made by a creator; or migrating to their homelands, modern Native American communities recount histories in America that engagement long before man memory.

In the Northwest, Native groups exploited the great salmon-filled rivers. On the plains and prairie lands, hunting communities followed bison herds and moved according to seasonal patterns. In mountains, prairies, deserts, and forests, the cultures and means of life of paleo-era ancestors were as varied as the geography. These groups spoke hundreds of languages and adopted distinct cultural practices. Rich and diverse diets fueled massive population growth across the continent.

Agriculture arose quondam betwixt nine thousand and 5 thousand years ago, almost simultaneously in the Eastern and Western Hemispheres. Mesoamericans in modern-day United mexican states and Central America relied on domesticated maize (corn) to develop the hemisphere'south first settled population around 1200 BCE.⁸ Corn was loftier in caloric content, hands dried and stored, and, in Mesoamerica's warm and fertile Gulf Coast, could sometimes be harvested twice in a year. Corn—as well as other Mesoamerican crops—spread across North America and continues to hold an important spiritual and cultural place in many Native communities.

Prehistoric Settlement in Warren County, Mississippi. Landscape by Robert Dafford, depicting the Kings Crossing archaeological site as information technology may have appeared in 1000 CE. Vicksburg Riverfront Murals.

Agriculture flourished in the fertile river valleys between the Mississippi River and the Atlantic Ocean, an area known as the Eastern Woodlands. There, three crops in particular—corn, beans, and squash, known as the Three Sisters—provided nutritional needs necessary to sustain cities and civilizations. In Woodland areas from the Smashing Lakes and the Mississippi River to the Atlantic coast, Native communities managed their woods resources by burning underbrush to create vast parklike hunting grounds and to clear the basis for planting the 3 Sisters. Many groups used shifting tillage, in which farmers cut the forest, burned the undergrowth, and so planted seeds in the nutrient-rich ashes. When crop yields began to decline, farmers moved to another field and allowed the country to recover and the forest to regrow before once again cutting the woods, burning the undergrowth, and restarting the cycle. This technique was particularly useful in areas with difficult soil. In the fertile regions of the Eastern Woodlands, Native American farmers engaged in permanent, intensive agriculture using hand tools. The rich soil and use of hand tools enabled effective and sustainable farming practices, producing high yields without overburdening the soil.⁹ Typically in Woodland communities, women skillful agriculture while men hunted and fished.

Agronomics immune for dramatic social modify, simply for some, information technology also may have accompanied a reject in wellness. Analysis of remains reveals that societies transitioning to agriculture frequently experienced weaker basic and teeth.¹⁰ But despite these possible declines, agronomics brought important benefits. Farmers could produce more than food than hunters, enabling some members of the customs to pursue other skills. Religious leaders, skilled soldiers, and artists could devote their energy to activities other than food production.

Due north America's Indigenous peoples shared some wide traits. Spiritual practices, understandings of property, and kinship networks differed markedly from European arrangements. Nearly Native Americans did not neatly distinguish between the natural and the supernatural. Spiritual power permeated their globe and was both tangible and attainable. It could be appealed to and harnessed. Kinship bound most Native North American people together. Virtually people lived in minor communities tied by kinship networks. Many Native cultures understood ancestry as matrilineal: family unit and association identity proceeded along the female line, through mothers and daughters, rather than fathers and sons. Fathers, for instance, often joined mothers' extended families, and sometimes fifty-fifty a female parent's brothers took a more direct role in child-raising than biological fathers. Therefore, mothers often wielded enormous influence at local levels, and men'due south identities and influence often depended on their relationships to women. Native American civilization, meanwhile, more often than not afforded greater sexual and marital freedom than European cultures.¹¹ Women, for example, frequently chose their husbands, and divorce oft was a relatively elementary and straightforward procedure. Moreover, well-nigh Native peoples' notions of property rights differed markedly from those of Europeans. Native Americans generally felt a personal ownership of tools, weapons, or other items that were actively used, and this same rule applied to land and crops. Groups and individuals exploited particular pieces of state and used violence or negotiation to exclude others. Simply the right to the use of land did non imply the right to its permanent possession.

Native Americans had many ways of communicating, including graphic ones, and some of these artistic and chatty technologies are still used today. For case, Algonquian-speaking Ojibwes used birch-bawl scrolls to record medical treatments, recipes, songs, stories, and more. Other Eastern Woodland peoples wove institute fibers, embroidered skins with porcupine quills, and modeled the globe to make sites of complex ceremonial meaning. On the Plains, artisans wove buffalo hair and painted on buffalo skins; in the Pacific Northwest, after the arrival of Europeans, weavers wove caprine animal hair into soft textiles with particular patterns. Maya, Zapotec, and Nahua ancestors in Mesoamerica painted their histories on plant-derived textiles and carved them into stone. In the Andes, Inca recorders noted information in the form of knotted strings, or khipu.¹²

Ii thousand years agone, some of the largest civilisation groups in North America were the Puebloan groups, centered in the current-day Greater Southwest (the southwestern United States and northwestern Mexico), the Mississippian groups located forth the Slap-up River and its tributaries, and the Mesoamerican groups of the areas now known equally key Mexico and the Yucatán. Previous developments in agricultural technology enabled the explosive growth of the large early societies, such as that at Tenochtitlán in the Valley of Mexico, Cahokia forth the Mississippi River, and in the desert oasis areas of the Greater Southwest.

Native peoples in the Southwest began constructing these highly defensible cliff dwellings in 1190 CE and continued expanding and refurbishing them until 1260 CE before abandoning them effectually 1300 CE. Andreas F. Borchert, Mesa Verde National Park Cliff Palace. Wikimedia. Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alike 3.0 Frg.

Chaco Canyon in northern New United mexican states was home to ancestral Puebloan peoples betwixt 900 and 1300 CE. Every bit many equally 15 thousand individuals lived in the Chaco Canyon complex in present-day New United mexican states.¹³ Sophisticated agricultural practices, extensive trading networks, and even the domestication of animals similar turkeys allowed the population to swell. Massive residential structures, built from sandstone blocks and lumber carried across great distances, housed hundreds of Puebloan people. One building, Pueblo Bonito, stretched over ii acres and rose v stories. Its six hundred rooms were decorated with copper bells, turquoise decorations, and bright macaws.¹⁴ Homes similar those at Pueblo Bonito included a small dugout room, or kiva, which played an important role in a multifariousness of ceremonies and served equally an important center for Puebloan life and culture. Puebloan spirituality was tied both to the earth and the heavens, as generations carefully charted the stars and designed homes in line with the path of the lord's day and moon.¹⁵

The Puebloan people of Chaco Canyon faced several ecological challenges, including deforestation and overirrigation, which ultimately caused the customs to collapse and its people to disperse to smaller settlements. An extreme 50-year drought began in 1130. Shortly thereafter, Chaco Canyon was deserted. New groups, including the Apache and Navajo, entered the vacated territory and adopted several Puebloan customs. The aforementioned drought that plagued the Pueblo also likely affected the Mississippian peoples of the American Midwest and Due south. The Mississippians developed i of the largest civilizations n of modern-day United mexican states. Roughly one thousand years agone, the largest Mississippian settlement, Cahokia, located just due east of modern-day St. Louis, peaked at a population of betwixt 10 k and thirty yard. It rivaled contemporary European cities in size. No urban center due north of modern Mexico, in fact, would match Cahokia's peak population levels until after the American Revolution. The city itself spanned 2 thousand acres and centered on Monks Mound, a large earthen loma that rose 10 stories and was larger at its base than the pyramids of Egypt. As with many of the peoples who lived in the Woodlands, life and death in Cahokia were linked to the motility of the stars, dominicus, and moon, and their ceremonial earthwork structures reflect these important structuring forces.

Cahokia was politically organized around chiefdoms, a hierarchical, clan-based system that gave leaders both secular and sacred potency. The size of the metropolis and the extent of its influence advise that the city relied on a number of lesser chiefdoms nether the authority of a paramount leader. Social stratification was partly preserved through frequent warfare. War captives were enslaved, and these captives formed an important office of the economy in the Northward American Southeast. Native American slavery was not based on belongings people equally property. Instead, Native Americans understood the enslaved as people who lacked kinship networks. Slavery, and then, was not always a permanent condition. Very oftentimes, a formerly enslaved person could get a fully integrated member of the customs. Adoption or marriage could enable an enslaved person to enter a kinship network and bring together the customs. Slavery and captive trading became an important way that many Native communities regrew and gained or maintained power.

An artist's rendering of Cahokia every bit it may have appeared in 1150 CE. Prepared by Pecker Isminger and Marking Esarey with artwork by Greg Harlin. From the Cahokia Mounds State Historic Site.

Around 1050, Cahokia experienced what one archaeologist has called a "big blindside," which included "a virtually instantaneous and pervasive shift in all things political, social, and ideological."¹⁶ The population grew most 500 percent in only one generation, and new people groups were absorbed into the city and its supporting communities. By 1300, the once-powerful city had undergone a serial of strains that led to collapse. Scholars previously pointed to ecological disaster or slow depopulation through emigration, only new research instead emphasizes mounting warfare, or internal political tensions. Environmental explanations suggest that population growth placed too neat a brunt on the arable country. Others suggest that the demand for fuel and building materials led to deforestation, erosion, and perchance an extended drought. Recent evidence, including defensive stockades, suggests that political turmoil among the ruling elite and threats from external enemies may explicate the end of the once-great civilization.¹⁷

Due north American communities were connected by kin, politics, and culture and sustained by long-distance trading routes. The Mississippi River served every bit an of import merchandise artery, but all of the continent's waterways were vital to transportation and communication. Cahokia became a key trading center partly because of its position near the Mississippi, Illinois, and Missouri Rivers. These rivers created networks that stretched from the Great Lakes to the American Southeast. Archaeologists can identify materials, like seashells, that traveled over a thousand miles to reach the center of this civilization. At least 3,500 years agone, the community at what is now Poverty Signal, Louisiana, had access to copper from present-day Canada and flint from modern-day Indiana. Sheets of mica found at the sacred Serpent Mound site near the Ohio River came from the Allegheny Mountains, and obsidian from nearby digging came from Mexico. Turquoise from the Greater Southwest was used at Teotihuacan 1200 years ago.

In the Eastern Woodlands, many Native American societies lived in smaller, dispersed communities to have advantage of rich soils and abundant rivers and streams. The Lenapes, likewise known as Delawares, farmed the bottomlands throughout the Hudson and Delaware River watersheds in New York, Pennsylvania, New Jersey, and Delaware. Their hundreds of settlements, stretching from southern Massachusetts through Delaware, were loosely bound together by political, social, and spiritual connections.

Dispersed and relatively contained, Lenape communities were bound together by oral histories, ceremonial traditions, consensus-based political organization, kinship networks, and a shared clan organization. Kinship tied the various Lenape communities and clans together, and society was organized along matrilineal lines. Marriage occurred betwixt clans, and a married man joined the association of his wife. Lenape women wielded authority over marriages, households, and agricultural output and may even have played a significant office in determining the selection of leaders, called sachems. Dispersed say-so, minor settlements, and kin-based organization contributed to the long-lasting stability and resilience of Lenape communities.¹⁸ One or more sachems governed Lenape communities past the consent of their people. Lenape sachems acquired their authorisation by demonstrating wisdom and experience. This differed from the hierarchical organization of many Mississippian cultures. Large gatherings did exist, however, as dispersed communities and their leaders gathered for formalism purposes or to make big decisions. Sachems spoke for their people in larger councils that included men, women, and elders. The Lenapes experienced occasional tensions with other Indigenous groups like the Iroquois to the north or the Susquehannock to the south, merely the lack of defensive fortifications about Lenape communities convinced archaeologists that the Lenapes avoided big-calibration warfare.

The continued longevity of Lenape societies, which began centuries before European contact, was too due to their skills as farmers and fishers. Along with the Three Sisters, Lenape women planted tobacco, sunflowers, and gourds. They harvested fruits and basics from trees and cultivated numerous medicinal plants, which they used with dandy proficiency. The Lenapes organized their communities to take advantage of growing seasons and the migration patterns of animals and fowl that were a part of their nutrition. During planting and harvesting seasons, Lenapes gathered in larger groups to coordinate their labor and take advantage of local affluence. As proficient fishers, they organized seasonal fish camps to net shellfish and take hold of shad. Lenapes wove nets, baskets, mats, and a variety of household materials from the rushes plant along the streams, rivers, and coasts. They fabricated their homes in some of the virtually fertile and abundant lands in the Eastern Woodlands and used their skills to create a stable and prosperous civilisation. The first Dutch and Swedish settlers who encountered the Lenapes in the seventeenth century recognized Lenape prosperity and rapidly sought their friendship. Their lives came to depend on it.

In the Pacific Northwest, the Kwakwaka'wakw, Tlingits, Haidas, and hundreds of other peoples, speaking dozens of languages, thrived in a land with a moderate climate, lush forests, and many rivers. The peoples of this region depended on salmon for survival and valued it accordingly. Images of salmon decorated totem poles, baskets, canoes, oars, and other tools. The fish was treated with spiritual respect and its prototype represented prosperity, life, and renewal. Sustainable harvesting practices ensured the survival of salmon populations. The Declension Salish people and several others celebrated the Showtime Salmon Ceremony when the start migrating salmon was spotted each flavor. Elders closely observed the size of the salmon run and delayed harvesting to ensure that a sufficient number survived to spawn and return in the future.¹⁹ Men commonly used nets, hooks, and other pocket-sized tools to capture salmon as they migrated upriver to spawn. Massive cedar canoes, equally long as l feet and carrying every bit many equally twenty men, also enabled extensive angling expeditions in the Pacific Sea, where skilled fishermen defenseless halibut, sturgeon, and other fish, sometimes hauling thousands of pounds in a unmarried canoe.^twenty

Food surpluses enabled pregnant population growth, and the Pacific Northwest became one of the most densely populated regions of North America. The combination of population density and surplus nutrient created a unique social organization centered on elaborate feasts, called potlatches. These potlatches celebrated births and weddings and determined social status. The party lasted for days and hosts demonstrated their wealth and ability by entertaining guests with food, artwork, and performances. The more the hosts gave away, the more prestige and power they had within the group. Some men saved for decades to host an extravagant potlatch that would in turn requite him greater respect and power inside the community.

Intricately carved masks, similar the Crooked Neb of Heaven Mask, used natural elements such as animals to correspond supernatural forces during ceremonial dances and festivals. Nineteenth-century crooked beak of heaven mask from the Kwakwaka'wakw. Wikimedia. Artistic Commons Attribution 3.0 Unported.

Many peoples of the Pacific Northwest built elaborate plank houses out of the region's abundant cedar trees. The five-hundred-human foot-long Suquamish Oleman House (or Sometime Man House), for instance, rested on the banks of Puget Audio.²¹ Giant cedar trees were as well carved and painted in the shape of animals or other figures to tell stories and limited identities. These totem poles became the most recognizable artistic class of the Pacific Northwest, but people as well carved masks and other wooden items, such as hand drums and rattles, out of the region'south groovy copse.

Despite commonalities, Native cultures varied greatly. The New World was marked by diversity and contrast. Past the time Europeans were poised to cross the Atlantic, Native Americans spoke hundreds of languages and lived in keeping with the hemisphere's many climates. Some lived in cities, others in small bands. Some migrated seasonally; others settled permanently. All Native peoples had long histories and well-formed, unique cultures that adult over millennia. But the arrival of Europeans inverse everything.

Iii.  European Expansion

Scandinavian seafarers reached the New World long earlier Columbus. At their peak they sailed as far east as Constantinople and raided settlements as far south every bit Northward Africa. They established limited colonies in Iceland and Greenland and, around the year chiliad, Leif Erikson reached Newfoundland in present-day Canada. But the Norse colony failed. Culturally and geographically isolated, the Norse were driven back to the ocean by some combination of limited resources, inhospitable weather, food shortages, and Native resistance.

And then, centuries before Columbus, the Crusades linked Europe with the wealth, power, and noesis of Asia. Europeans rediscovered or adopted Greek, Roman, and Muslim knowledge. The hemispheric broadcasting of goods and knowledge not only sparked the Renaissance but fueled long-term European expansion. Asian goods flooded European markets, creating a demand for new commodities. This trade created vast new wealth, and Europeans battled one another for trade supremacy.

European nation-states consolidated under the authority of powerful kings. A serial of military conflicts between England and French republic—the Hundred Years' War—accelerated nationalism and cultivated the financial and armed forces administration necessary to maintain nation-states. In Spain, the marriage of Ferdinand of Aragon and Isabella of Castile consolidated the two most powerful kingdoms of the Iberian peninsula. The Crusades had never ended in Iberia: the Spanish crown concluded centuries of intermittent warfare—the Reconquista—by expelling Muslim Moors and Iberian Jews from the Iberian peninsula in 1492, just as Christopher Columbus sailed west. With new power, these new nations—and their newly empowered monarchs—yearned to access the wealth of Asia.

Seafaring Italian traders commanded the Mediterranean and controlled trade with Asia. Spain and Portugal, at the edges of Europe, relied on middlemen and paid higher prices for Asian goods. They sought a more directly route. And so they looked to the Atlantic. Portugal invested heavily in exploration. From his estate on the Sagres Peninsula of Portugal, a rich sailing port, Prince Henry the Navigator (Infante Henry, Duke of Viseu) invested in inquiry and technology and underwrote many technological breakthroughs. His investments diameter fruit. In the fifteenth century, Portuguese sailors perfected the astrolabe, a tool to summate latitude, and the caravel, a transport well suited for sea exploration. Both were technological breakthroughs. The astrolabe allowed for precise navigation, and the caravel, unlike more mutual vessels designed for trading on the relatively placid Mediterranean, was a rugged ship with a deep draft capable of making lengthy voyages on the open up sea and, equally of import, conveying big amounts of cargo while doing so.

Engraving of sixteenth-century Lisbon from Civitatis Orbis Terrarum, "The Cities of the World," ed. Georg Braun (Cologne: 1572). Wikimedia.

Blending economic and religious motivations, the Portuguese established forts along the Atlantic coast of Africa during the fifteenth century, inaugurating centuries of European colonization there. Portuguese trading posts generated new profits that funded farther merchandise and further colonization. Trading posts spread across the vast coastline of Africa, and by the terminate of the fifteenth century, Vasco da Gama leapfrogged his way around the coasts of Africa to attain Bharat and other lucrative Asian markets.

The vagaries of ocean currents and the limits of contemporary technology forced Iberian sailors to sheet west into the open sea earlier cutting back east to Africa. So doing, the Spanish and Portuguese stumbled on several islands off the coast of Europe and Africa, including the Azores, the Canary Islands, and the Cape Verde Islands. They became preparation grounds for the later colonization of the Americas and saw the first large-scale cultivation of sugar by enslaved laborers.

Sugar was originally grown in Asia but became a popular, widely profitable luxury detail consumed by the nobility of Europe. The Portuguese learned the sugar-growing procedure from Mediterranean plantations started by Muslims, using imported enslaved labor from southern Russian federation and Islamic countries. Sugar was a difficult ingather. Information technology required tropical temperatures, daily rainfall, unique soil conditions, and a fourteen-month growing season. But on the newly discovered, mostly uninhabited Atlantic islands, the Portuguese had establish new, defensible land to support carbohydrate production. New patterns of man and ecological destruction followed. Isolated from the mainlands of Europe and Africa for millennia, Canary Island natives—known as the Guanches—were enslaved or perished soon after Europeans arrived. This demographic disaster presaged the demographic results for the Native American populations upon the arrival of the Castilian.

Portugal'south would-exist planters needed workers to cultivate the hard, labor-intensive crop. They first turned to the trade relationships that Portuguese merchants established with African metropolis-states in Senegambia, along the Gilded Coast, as well equally the kingdoms of Benin, Kongo, and Ndongo.²² The Portuguese turned to enslaved Africans from the mainland every bit a labor source for these island plantations. At the beginning of this Euroafrican slave-trading organization, African leaders traded war captives—who by custom forfeited their freedom if captured during boxing—for Portuguese guns, fe, and manufactured goods. Information technology is important to note that slaving in Africa, similar slaving among Indigenous Americans, diameter niggling resemblance to the chattel slavery of the antebellum U.s.a..²³

From bases forth the Atlantic coast, the Portuguese began purchasing enslaved people for consign to the Atlantic islands of Madeira, the Canaries, and the Greatcoat Verdes to work the sugar fields. Thus, were built-in the beginning great Atlantic plantations. A few decades later, at the end of the 15^thursday century, the Portuguese plantation arrangement adult on the island of São Tomé became a model for the plantation organisation every bit it was expanded across the Atlantic.

By the fifteenth century, the Portuguese had established forts and colonies on islands and forth the rim of the Atlantic Ocean; other major European countries soon followed in stride. An anonymous cartographer created this map known as the Cantino Map, the earliest known map of European exploration in the New World, to describe these holdings and argue for the greatness of his native Portugal. Cantino planisphere (1502), Biblioteca Estense, Modena, Italy. Wikimedia.

Espana, likewise, stood on the cut edge of maritime technology. Castilian sailors had become masters of the caravels. Every bit Portugal consolidated command over African trading networks and the circuitous eastbound sea route to Asia, Spain yearned for its ain path to empire. Christopher Columbus, a skilled Italian-built-in crewman who had studied under Portuguese navigators, promised just that opportunity.

Educated Asians and Europeans of the fifteenth century knew the world was circular. They also knew that while information technology was therefore technically possible to reach Asia by sailing westward from Europe—thereby fugitive Italian or Portuguese middlemen—the globe's vast size would doom even the greatest caravels to starvation and thirst long earlier they e'er reached their destination. But Columbus underestimated the size of the globe by a total ii thirds and therefore believed information technology was possible. Later unsuccessfully shopping his proposed expedition in several European courts, he convinced Queen Isabella and King Ferdinand of Spain to provide him three minor ships, which fix canvas in 1492. Columbus was both confoundingly incorrect nearly the size of the world and spectacularly lucky that ii large continents lurked in his path. On October 12, 1492, after two months at sea, the Niña, Pinta, and Santa María and their 90 men landed in the modern-day Bahamas.

The Indigenous Arawaks, or Taíno, populated the Caribbean islands. They fished and grew corn, yams, and cassava. Columbus described them as innocents. "They are very gentle and without noesis of what is evil; nor the sins of murder or theft," he reported to the Spanish crown. "Your highness may believe that in all the world there can be no amend people. . . . They love their neighbors equally themselves, and their speech is the sweetest and gentlest in the world, and e'er with a smile." But Columbus had come for wealth and he could notice little. The Arawaks, however, wore small gold ornaments. Columbus left thirty-ix Spaniards at a military fort on Hispaniola to find and secure the source of the gold while he returned to Spain, with a dozen captured and branded Arawaks. Columbus arrived to not bad acclaim and quickly worked to outfit a return voyage. Spain'due south New World motives were articulate from the showtime. If outfitted for a return voyage, Columbus promised the Spanish crown gilded and enslaved laborers. Columbus reported, "With fifty men they can all be subjugated and made to practice what is required of them."²⁴

Columbus was outfitted with seventeen ships and over one thousand men to return to the Westward Indies (Columbus made four voyages to the New World). Yet believing he had landed in the East Indies, he promised to reward Isabella and Ferdinand'due south investment. But when material wealth proved tiresome in coming, the Spanish embarked on a roughshod campaign to extract every possible ounce of wealth from the Caribbean. The Spanish decimated the Arawaks. Bartolomé de Las Casas traveled to the New World in 1502 and later wrote, "I saw with these Eyes of mine the Spaniards for no other reason, only just to gratify their bloody mindedness, cut off the Hands, Noses, and Ears, both of Indians and Indianesses."²⁵ When the enslaved laborers wearied the islands' meager aureate reserves, the Spaniards forced them to labor on their huge new estates, the encomiendas. Las Casas described European barbarities in cruel detail. Past presuming the natives had no humanity, the Spaniards utterly abandoned theirs. Coincidental violence and dehumanizing exploitation ravaged the Arawaks. The Ethnic population collapsed. Within a few generations the whole island of Hispaniola had been depopulated and a whole people exterminated. Historians' estimates of the island's pre-contact population range from fewer than one million to every bit many as eight one thousand thousand (Las Casas estimated information technology at three million). In a few short years, they were gone. "Who in hereafter generations volition believe this?" Las Casas wondered. "I myself writing it as a knowledgeable bystander can inappreciably believe it."

Despite the diversity of Native populations and the existence of several strong empires, Native Americans were wholly unprepared for the arrival of Europeans. Biology magnified European cruelties. Cut off from the Sometime World, its domesticated animals, and its immunological history, Native Americans lived gratis from the terrible diseases that ravaged populations in Asia, Europe and Africa. Simply their approving now became a curse. Native Americans lacked the immunities that Europeans and Africans had developed over centuries of deadly epidemics, and so when Europeans arrived, carrying smallpox, typhus, influenza, diphtheria, measles, and hepatitis, plagues decimated Native communities.²⁶ Many died in state of war and slavery, but millions died in epidemics. All told, in fact, some scholars estimate that as much as xc percent of the population of the Americas perished inside the first century and a half of European contact.²⁷

Though ravaged past illness and warfare, Native Americans forged middle grounds, resisted with violence, accommodated and adapted to the challenges of colonialism, and connected to shape the patterns of life throughout the New World for hundreds of years. But the Europeans kept coming.

IV. Spanish Exploration and Conquest

Every bit news of the Castilian conquest spread, wealth-hungry Spaniards poured into the New World seeking country, gilt, and titles. A New Globe empire spread from Spain'southward Caribbean foothold. Motives were patently: said one soldier, "we came hither to serve God and the king, and besides to become rich."²⁸ Mercenaries joined the conquest and raced to capture the human being and textile wealth of the New World.

The Spanish managed labor relations through a legal system known as the encomienda, an exploitive feudal arrangement in which Spain tied Ethnic laborers to vast estates. In the encomienda, the Castilian crown granted a person not just land just a specified number of natives as well. Encomenderos brutalized their laborers. Afterwards Bartolomé de Las Casas published his incendiary account of Castilian abuses (The Devastation of the Indies), Spanish government abolished the encomienda in 1542 and replaced information technology with the repartimiento. Intended as a milder system, the repartimiento nevertheless replicated many of the abuses of the older system, and the rapacious exploitation of the Native population continued equally Spain spread its empire over the Americas.

El Castillo (pyramid of Kukulcán) in Chichén Itzá. Photograph by Daniel Schwen. Wikimedia. Artistic Eatables Attribution-Share Akin 4.0 International.

As Spain's New Globe empire expanded, Spanish conquerors met the massive empires of Central and South America, civilizations that dwarfed annihilation institute in North America. In Central America the Maya built massive temples, sustained large populations, and constructed a complex and long-lasting culture with a written language, avant-garde mathematics, and stunningly accurate calendars. But Maya civilization, although it had not disappeared, notwithstanding collapsed before European arrival, probable because of droughts and unsustainable agricultural practices. But the eclipse of the Maya only heralded the subsequently rise of the nearly powerful Native civilization ever seen in the Western Hemisphere: the Aztecs.

Militaristic migrants from northern Mexico, the Aztecs moved south into the Valley of United mexican states, conquered their way to authorization, and congenital the largest empire in the New Earth. When the Spaniards arrived in Mexico they institute a sprawling civilization centered around Tenochtitlán, an monumental city congenital on a series of natural and man-fabricated islands in the middle of Lake Texcoco, located today within modern-twenty-four hour period Mexico City. Tenochtitlán, founded in 1325, rivaled the world'southward largest cities in size and grandeur.²⁹

Much of the city was built on large bogus islands called chinampas, which the Aztecs constructed by dredging mud and rich sediment from the bottom of the lake and depositing it over time to form new landscapes. A massive pyramid temple, the Templo Mayor, was located at the urban center heart (its ruins can still be found in the center of Mexico City). When the Spaniards arrived, they could scarcely believe what they saw: 70,000 buildings, housing mayhap 200,000–250,000 people, all built on a lake and connected by causeways and canals. Bernal Díaz del Castillo, a Castilian soldier, subsequently recalled, "When we saw and so many cities and villages congenital in the water and other nifty towns on dry land, we were amazed and said that it was like the enchantments. . . . Some of our soldiers even asked whether the things that we saw were not a dream? . . . I practise not know how to describe information technology, seeing things as we did that had never been heard of or seen before, non even dreamed about."³⁰

From their isle city the Aztecs dominated an enormous swath of central and southern Mesoamerica. They ruled their empire through a decentralized network of subject field peoples that paid regular tribute—including everything from the nigh basic items, such every bit corn, beans, and other foodstuffs, to luxury goods such equally jade, cacao, and gold—and provided troops for the empire. But unrest festered beneath the Aztecs' imperial ability, and European conquerors lusted after its vast wealth.

This sixteenth-century map of Tenochtitlan shows the aesthetic dazzler and advanced infrastructure of this corking Aztec city. Map, c. 1524, Wikimedia.

Hernán Cortés, an aggressive, thirty-iv-yr-old Spaniard who had won riches in the conquest of Cuba, organized an invasion of Mexico in 1519. Sailing with six hundred men, horses, and cannon, he landed on the coast of Mexico. Relying on a Native translator, whom he called Doña Marina, and whom Mexican sociology denounces as La Malinche, Cortés gathered information and allies in training for conquest. Through intrigue, brutality, and the exploitation of endemic political divisions, he enlisted the aid of thousands of Native allies, defeated Spanish rivals, and marched on Tenochtitlán.

Aztec authority rested on fragile foundations and many of the region'south semi-independent city-states yearned to pause from Aztec rule. Nearby kingdoms, including the Tarascans to the northward and the remains of Maya city-states on the Yucatán peninsula, chafed at Aztec power.

Through persuasion, the Spaniards entered Tenochtitlán peacefully. Cortés then captured the emperor Montezuma and used him to gain control of the Aztecs' gilt and silverish reserves and their network of mines. Eventually, the Aztecs revolted. Montezuma was branded a traitor, and uprising ignited the city. Montezuma was killed along with a third of Cortés's men in la noche triste, the "dark of sorrows." The Spanish fought through thousands of Indigenous insurgents and beyond canals to flee the metropolis, where they regrouped, enlisted more Native allies, captured Castilian reinforcements, and, in 1521, besieged the isle city. The Spaniards' eighty-five-24-hour interval siege cut off food and fresh water. Smallpox ravaged the city. One Spanish observer said information technology "spread over the people as smashing devastation. Some it covered on all parts—their faces, their heads, their breasts, and and so on. There was great havoc. Very many died of information technology. . . . They could not move; they could not stir."³¹ Cortés, the Spaniards, and their Native allies then sacked the city. The temples were plundered and 15 m died. Later on two years of conflict, a 1000000-person-strong empire was toppled by illness, dissension, and a chiliad European conquerors.

The Castilian relied on Indigenous allies. The Tlaxcala were among the most important Castilian allies in their conquest. This sixteenth-century cartoon depicts the Spanish and their Tlaxcalan allies fighting against the Purépecha. Wikimedia.

Farther s, along the Andes Mountains in South America, the Quechuas, or Incas, managed a vast mount empire. From their capital of Cuzco in the Andean highlands, through conquest and negotiation, the Incas built an empire that stretched around the western one-half of the South American continent from present day Ecuador to central Chile and Argentina. They cut terraces into the sides of mountains to farm fertile soil, and past the 1400s they managed a thousand miles of Andean roads that tied together perchance twelve meg people. Only like the Aztecs, unrest between the Incas and conquered groups created tensions and left the empire vulnerable to invaders. Smallpox spread in advance of Spanish conquerors and hit the Incan empire in 1525. Epidemics ravaged the population, cut the empire's population in half and killing the Incan emperor Huayna Capac and many members of his family. A bloody war of succession ensued. Inspired by Cortés's conquest of Mexico, Francisco Pizarro moved south and found an empire torn by chaos. With 168 men, he deceived Incan rulers, took control of the empire, and seized the capital city, Cuzco, in 1533. Illness, conquest, and slavery ravaged the remnants of the Incan empire.

Afterward the conquests of United mexican states and Peru, Kingdom of spain settled into its new empire. A vast administrative hierarchy governed the new holdings: royal appointees oversaw an enormous territory of landed estates, and Indigenous laborers and administrators regulated the extraction of gold and silver and oversaw their transport across the Atlantic in Castilian galleons. Meanwhile, Spanish migrants poured into the New Earth. During the sixteenth century alone, 225,000 migrated, and 750,000 came during the entire three centuries of Spanish colonial rule. Spaniards, often single, immature, and male, emigrated for the diverse promises of land, wealth, and social advancement. Laborers, craftsmen, soldiers, clerks, and priests all crossed the Atlantic in big numbers. Indigenous people, withal, e'er outnumbered the Spanish, and the Spaniards, by both necessity and pattern, incorporated Native Americans into colonial life. This incorporation did not mean equality, however.

An elaborate racial hierarchy marked Spanish life in the New World. Regularized in the mid-1600s merely rooted in medieval practices, the Sistema de Castas organized individuals into various racial groups based on their supposed "purity of blood." Elaborate classifications became almost prerequisites for social and political advancement in Spanish colonial society. Peninsulares—Iberian-born Spaniards, or españoles—occupied the highest levels of administration and acquired the greatest estates. Their descendants, New World-built-in Spaniards, or criollos, occupied the next rung and rivaled the peninsulares for wealth and opportunity. Mestizos—a term used to depict those of mixed Spanish and Indigenous heritage—followed.

Casta paintings illustrated the varying degrees of intermixture between colonial subjects, defining them for Spanish officials. Unknown creative person, Las Castas, Museo Nacional del Virreinato, Tepotzotlan, Mexico. Wikimedia.

Like the French afterward in North America, the Castilian tolerated and sometimes even supported interracial marriage. There were merely likewise few Castilian women in the New World to support the natural growth of a purely Spanish population. The Catholic Church endorsed interracial marriage equally a moral bulwark against bastardy and rape. Past 1600, mestizos made upward a large portion of the colonial population.³² By the early on 1700s, more than one third of all marriages bridged the Castilian-Indigenous divide. Separated by wealth and influence from the peninsulares and criollos, mestizos typically occupied a middling social position in Spanish New World society. They were not quite Indios, or Indigenous people, just their lack of limpieza de sangre, or "pure blood," removed them from the privileges of full-blooded Spaniards. Castilian fathers of sufficient wealth and influence might shield their mestizo children from racial prejudice, and a number of wealthy mestizos married españoles to "whiten" their family lines, but more often mestizos were confined to a middle station in the Castilian New World. Enslaved and Indigenous people occupied the lowest rungs of the social ladder.

Many manipulated the Sistema de Castas to proceeds advantages for themselves and their children. Mestizo mothers, for instance, might insist that their mestizo daughters were actually castizas, or quarter-Ethnic, who, if they married a Spaniard, could, in the eyes of the law, produce "pure" criollo children entitled to the full rights and opportunities of Spanish citizens. Just "passing" was an option only for the few. Instead, the massive Native populations within Spain's New World Empire ensured a level of cultural and racial mixture—or mestizaje—unparalleled in British North America. Spanish N America wrought a hybrid culture that was neither fully Spanish nor fully Indigenous. The Castilian not simply built United mexican states Urban center atop Tenochtitlán, but nutrient, linguistic communication, and families were besides constructed on Indigenous foundations. In 1531, a poor Indigenous named Juan Diego reported that he was visited past the Virgin Mary, who came every bit a dark-skinned Nahuatl-speaking Indigenous woman.³³ Reports of miracles spread across Mexico and the Virgen de Guadalupe became a national icon for a new mestizo society.

Our Lady of Guadalupe is perhaps the most culturally of import and extensively reproduced Mexican-Catholic image. In the iconic depiction, Mary stands atop the tilma (peasant cloak) of Juan Diego, on which according to his story appeared the epitome of the Virgin of Guadalupe. Throughout Mexican history, the story and prototype of Our Lady of Guadalupe has been a unifying national symbol. Mexican retablo of Our Lady of Guadalupe, 19th century, in El Paso Museum of Fine art. Wikimedia.

From United mexican states, Espana expanded due north. Lured by the promises of gold and another Tenochtitlán, Castilian expeditions scoured North America for another wealthy Ethnic empire. Huge expeditions, resembling vast moving communities, composed of hundreds of soldiers, settlers, priests, and enslaved people, with enormous numbers of livestock, moved beyond the continent. Juan Ponce de León, the conqueror of Puerto Rico, landed in Florida in 1513 in search of wealth and enslaved laborers. Álvar Núñez Cabeza de Vaca joined the Narváez expedition to Florida a decade later but was shipwrecked and forced to embark on a remarkable multiyear odyssey along the coast of the Gulf of United mexican states and Texas into Mexico. Pedro Menéndez de Avilés founded St. Augustine, Florida, in 1565, and it remains the oldest continuously occupied European settlement in the present-24-hour interval United states of america.

Simply without the rich gold and argent mines of Mexico, the plantation-friendly climate of the Caribbean, or the exploitive potential of large Indigenous empires, North America offered little incentive for Spanish officials. Withal, Castilian expeditions combed Northward America. Francisco Vázquez de Coronado pillaged his way across the Southwest. Hernando de Soto tortured and raped and enslaved his fashion across the Southeast. Before long Spain had footholds—however tenuous—across much of the continent.

V.  Conclusion

The "discovery" of America unleashed horrors. Europeans embarked on a debauching path of death and subversive exploitation that wrought murder and greed and slavery. Just disease was deadlier than any weapon in the European arsenal. It unleashed death on a scale never before seen in human history. Estimates of the population of pre-Columbian America range wildly. Some argue for as much every bit 100 1000000, some as depression as 2 million. In 1983, Henry Dobyns put the number at xviii 1000000. Whatsoever the precise estimates, nigh all scholars tell of the utter devastation wrought by European affliction. Dobyns estimated that in the first 130 years following European contact, 95 pct of Native Americans perished.³⁴ (At its worst, Europe's Black Death peaked at death rates of 35 percent. Nothing else in history rivals the American demographic disaster.) A 10-thousand-year history of disease hitting the New World in an instant. Smallpox, typhus, bubonic plague, influenza, mumps, measles: pandemics ravaged populations up and down the continents. Moving ridge after wave of disease crashed relentlessly. Affliction flung whole communities into chaos. Others it destroyed completely.

Illness was just the most terrible in a cross-hemispheric exchange of violence, culture, trade, and peoples—the and so-called Columbian Substitution—that followed in Columbus's wake. Global diets, for instance, were transformed. The Americas' calorie-rich crops revolutionized Old World agriculture and spawned a worldwide population boom. Many modern associations between nutrient and geography are by products of the Columbian Exchange: potatoes in Ireland, tomatoes in Italy, chocolate in Switzerland, peppers in Thailand, and oranges in Florida are all manifestations of the new global substitution. Europeans, for their part, introduced their domesticated animals to the New World. Pigs ran rampant through the Americas, transforming the landscape as they spread throughout both continents. Horses spread as well, transforming the Native American cultures who adapted to the newly introduced animate being. Partly from trade, partly from the remnants of failed European expeditions, and partly from theft, Indigenous people acquired horses and transformed Native American life in the vast North American plains.

The Europeans' arrival bridged two worlds and ten thousand years of history largely separated from each other since the closing of the Bering Strait. Both sides of the world had been transformed. And neither would ever once more be the same.

VI. Primary Sources

1. Native American creation stories

These 2 Native American cosmos stories are among thousands of accounts for the origins of the world. The Salinian and Cherokee, from what we now telephone call California and the American southeast respectively, both exhibit the common Native American tendency to locate spiritual power in the natural globe. For both Native Americans and Europeans, the standoff of two continents challenged erstwhile ideas and created new ones as well.

ii. Journal of Christopher Columbus, 1492

Starting time encounters between Europeans and Native Americans were dramatic events. In this account, nosotros come across the assumptions and intentions of Christopher Columbus, as he immediately began assessing the potential of these people to serve European economic interests. He also predicted piece of cake success for missionaries seeking to convert these people to Christianity.

3. An Aztec account of the Spanish attack

This source aggregates a number of early written reports past Aztec authors describing the devastation of Tenochtitlan at the hands of a coalition of Spanish and Indigenous armies. This collection of sources was assembled by Miguel Leon Portilla, a Mexican anthropologist.

4. Bartolomé de las Casas describes the exploitation of Indigenous people, 1542

Bartolomé de Las Casas, a Spanish Dominican priest, wrote directly to the King of Spain hoping for new laws to prevent the brutal exploitation of Native Americans. Las Casas'southward writings quickly spread effectually Europe and were used as humanitarian justification for other European nations to claiming Kingdom of spain's colonial empire with their own schemes of conquest and colonization.

v. Thomas Morton reflects on Native Americans in New England, 1637

Thomas Morton both admired and condemned aspects of Native American civilization. In his descriptions, we tin can observe not only information most the people he is describing but also a window into the concerns of Englishmen like Morton who could use descriptions of Native Americans as a ways of criticizing English civilization.

half dozen. The story of the Virgin of Guadalupe

Cuauhtlatoatzin was one of the first Aztec men to catechumen to Christianity after the Castilian invasion. Renamed as Juan Diego, he soon thereafter reported an advent of the Virgin Mary called the Virgin of Guadalupe. This apparition became an important symbol for a new native Christianity. These excerpts are translated from an account offset published in Nahuatl by Luis Lasso de la Vega in 1649.

7. Alvar Nuñez Cabeza de Vaca travels through North America, 1542

Spanish explorer, Alvar Nuñez Cabeza de Vaca, traveled across the Gulf South, from Florida to Mexico. Every bit he traveled, Cabeza de Vaca adult a reputation as a organized religion healer. In his account he claimed several instances of performing miracles, illustrating his spiritual beliefs too as offering a rare, if mayhap unreliable, glimpse at the life of Native Americans in the area.

8. Photograph of Cliff Palace

Native peoples in the Southwest began constructing these highly defensible cliff dwellings in 1190 CE and connected expanding and refurbishing them until 1260 CE before abandoning them around 1300 CE. Changing climatic conditions resulted in an increased competition for resources that led some groups to ally with their neighbors for both protection and subsistence. The circular rooms in the foreground were chosen kivas and had ceremonial and religious importance for the inhabitants. Cliff Palace had 23 kivas and 150 rooms housing a population of approximately 100 people; the number of rooms and large population has led scholars to believe that this complex may have been the center of a larger polity that included surrounding communities.

9. Casta painting

The elaborate Sistema de Castas revealed one of the less-discussed effects of Spanish conquest: sexual liaisons and their progeny. Casta paintings illustrated the varying degrees of intermixture between colonial subjects, defining them for Spanish officials. Race was less fixed in the Spanish colonies, equally some individuals, through legal action or colonial service, "changed" their race in the colonial records. Though this particular image does not, some casta paintings attributed item behaviors to dissimilar groups, demonstrating how class and race were intertwined.

Seven. Reference Textile

This affiliate was edited by Joseph Locke and Ben Wright, with content contributions by 50. D. Burnett, Michelle Cassidy, Kathryn Green, D. Andrew Johnson, Joseph Locke, Dawn Marsh, Christen Mucher, Cameron Shriver, Ben Wright, and Garrett Wright.

Recommended citation: L. D. Burnett et al., "The New Earth," in The American Yawp, eds. Joseph Locke and Ben Wright (Stanford, CA: Stanford Academy Press, 2018).

Recommended Reading

1. Alt, Susan, ed. Aboriginal Complexities: New Perspectives in Pre-Columbian North America. Common salt Lake Metropolis: University of Utah Press, 2010.
2. Bruhns, Karen Olsen. Ancient South America. New York: Cambridge Academy Press, 1994.
3. Claasen, Cheryl, and Rosemary A. Joyce, eds. Women in Prehistory: N America and Mesoamerica. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Printing, 1994.
4. Cook, Noble David. Born to Die: Disease and New Earth Conquest, 1492–1650. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1998.
5. Crosby, Alfred West. The Columbian Commutation: Biological and Cultural Consequences of 1492. New York: Praeger, 2003.
6. Dewar, Elaine. Bones. Toronto: Vintage Canada, 2001.
7. Dye, David. State of war Paths, Peace Paths: An Archeology of Cooperation and Conflict in Native Eastern N America. Lanham, Doctor: AltaMira Printing, 2009.
8. Fenn, Elizabeth A. Encounters at the Centre of the World: A History of the Mandan People. New York: Hill and Wang, 2014.
9. Jablonski, Nina Thou. The Outset Americans: The Pleistocene Colonization of the New Globe. Berkeley: University of California Printing, 2002.
10. John, Elizabeth A. H. Storms Brewed in Other Men'southward Worlds: The Confrontation of Indians, Spanish, and French in the Southwest, 1540–1795, 2nd ed. Norman: University of Oklahoma Printing, 1996.
11. Kehoe, Alice Beck. America Before the European Invasions. New York: Routledge, 2002.
12. Leon-Portilla, Miguel. The Broken Spears: The Aztec Account of the Conquest of United mexican states. Boston: Beacon Books, 1992.
13. Mann, Charles C. 1491: New Revelations of the Americas Before Columbus. New York: Vintage Books, 2006.
14. Meltzer, David J. Get-go Peoples in a New Globe: Colonizing Water ice Age America. Berkeley: Academy of California Press, 2010.
15. Mt. Pleasant, Jane. "A New Prototype for Pre-Columbian Agriculture in N America." Early American Studies 13, no. 2 (Bound 2015): 374–412.
16. Oswalt, Wendell H. This Country Was Theirs: A Study of Native North Americans. New York: Oxford University Press, 2009.
17. Pauketat, Timothy R. Cahokia: Aboriginal America'south Smashing Urban center on the Mississippi. New York: Penguin, 2010.
18. Pringle, Heather. In Search of Ancient N America: An Archaeological Journey to Forgotten Cultures. New York: Wiley, 1996.
19. Reséndez, Andrés. A Land So Foreign: The Ballsy Journey of Cabeza de Vaca. New York: Basic Books, 2009.
20. Restall, Matthew. Seven Myths of the Spanish Conquest. New York: Oxford Academy Printing, 2004.
21. Scarry, C. Margaret. Foraging and Farming in the Eastern Woodlands. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 1993.
22. Schwartz, Stuart B. Victors and Vanquished: Castilian and Nahua Views of the Conquest of Mexico. New York: Bedford St. Martin's, 2000.
23. Seed, Patricia. Ceremonies of Possession: Europe's Conquest of the New World, 1492–1640. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1995.
24. Townsend, Camilla. Malintzin'south Choices: An Indian Adult female in the Conquest of Mexico. Albuquerque: Academy of New Mexico Press, 2006.
25. Weatherford, Jack. Indian Givers: How the Indians of the Americas Transformed the Earth. New York: Random House, 1988.

Notes

1. A. L. Kroeber, ed., Academy of California Publications: American Archaeology and Ethnology, Vol. ten (Berkeley: University of California Printing, 1911–1914), 191–192. [↩]
2. James F. Barnett Jr., Mississippi's American Indians (Jackson: University Printing of Mississippi, 2012), 90. [↩]
3. Edward W. Osowski, Indigenous Miracles: Nahua Authorisation in Colonial Mexico (Tucson: Academy of Arizona Press, 2010), 25. [↩]
4. David J. Meltzer, First Peoples in a New World: Colonizing Ice Age America (Berkeley: University of California Printing, 2010), 170. [↩]
5. Knut R. Fladmark, "Routes: Alternate Migration Corridors for Early Human being in Due north America," American Antiquity 44, no. 1 (1979): 55–69. [↩]
6. Jessi J. Halligan et al., "Pre-Clovis Occupation xiv,550 Years Ago at the Page-Ladson Site, Florida, and the People of the Americas," Science Advances 2, no. 5 (May 13, 2016) and Michael R. Waters et al, "The Buttermilk Creek Circuitous and the Origins of Clovis at the Debra 50. Friedkin Site, Texas," Science 331 (March 25, 2011), 1599-1603. [↩]
7. Tom D. Dillehay, The Settlement of the Americas: A New Prehistory (New York: Basic Books, 2000). [↩]
8. Richard A. Diehl, The Olmecs: America's First Civilization (London: Thames and Hudson, 2004), 25. [↩]
9. Jane Mt. Pleasant, "A New Paradigm for Pre-Columbian Agriculture in North America," Early American Studies 13, no. two (Leap 2015): 374–412. [↩]
10. Richard H. Steckel, "Wellness and Nutrition in Pre-Columbian America: The Skeletal Evidence," Journal of Interdisciplinary History 36, no. ane (Summer 2005): 19–21. [↩]
11. Traci Ardren, "Studies of Gender in the Prehispanic Americas," Journal of Archaeological Enquiry Vol. sixteen, No. one (March 2008), ane-35. [↩]
12. Elizabeth Hill Boone and Walter D. Mignolo, eds., Writing Without Words: Alternative Literacies in Mesoamerica and the Andes (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1994). [↩]
13. Stuart J. Fiedel, Prehistory of the Americas (New York: Cambridge University Printing, 1992), 217. [↩]
14. H. Wolcott Toll, "Making and Breaking Pots in the Chaco World," American Artifact 66, no. 1 (January 2001): 65. [↩]
15. Anna Sofaer, "The Primary Architecture of the Chacoan Culture: A Cosmological Expression," in Anasazi Architecture and American Pattern, ed. Baker H. Morrow and V. B. Price (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1997). [↩]
16. Timothy R. Pauketat and Thomas E. Emerson, eds., Cahokia: Domination and Ideology in the Mississippian World (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1997), 31. [↩]
17. Thomas Eastward. Emerson, "An Introduction to Cahokia 2002: Diversity, Complexity, and History," Midcontinental Journal of Archaeology 27, no. ii (Fall 2002): 137–139. [↩]
18. Amy Schutt, Peoples of the River Valleys: The Odyssey of the Delaware Indians (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Printing, 2007), vii–thirty. [↩]
19. Erna Gunther, "An Analysis of the Starting time Salmon Ceremony," American Anthropologist 28, no. 4 (October–Dec 1926): 605–617. [↩]
20. Gary Due east. Moulton, ed., The Journals of the Lewis and Clark Trek, Vol. 6 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1983), https://world wide web.loc.gov/exhibits/lewisandclark/transcript68.html. [↩]
21. Coll Thrush, Native Seattle: Histories from the Crossing-Over Place, 2nd ed. (Seattle: Academy of Washington Press, 2007), 126. [↩]
22. Walter Rodney, A History of the Upper Guinea Co (Monthly Review Press, 1970); Ivor Wilks, "State, labour, capital and the forest kingdoms of Asante: a model of early modify," In The Development of Social Systems, Edited by J. F. Friedman and M. J. Rowlands. London: Duckworth, 1977): , pp. 487-534 ; Walter Rodney, "Gilded and Slaves on the Gold Coast," Transactions of the Historical Society of Ghana ten (1969) thirteen-28; Alan F. C. Ryder, Republic of benin and The Europeans, 1485-1897 (London: Longman, 1969); John Thornton, "Early Kongo-Portuguese Relations, 1483-1575: A New Interpretation" History in Africa eight (1981): 183-204. French translation in Cahiers des Anneaux de la Mémoire 3 (2001); "The Portuguese in Africa," in Francisco Bethencourt and Diogo Ramada Curto, eds. Portuguese Oceanic Expansion, 1400-1800 (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 2007), pp. 138-160; and Linda Heywood, "Slavery and its Transformation in the Kingdom of Kongo: 1491-1800," Journal of African History, 50 (2009):ane-22. [↩]
23. Joseph C. Miller, The Problem of Slavery as History: A Global Approach (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2012). [↩]
24. Clements R. Markham, ed. and trans., The Journal of Christopher Columbus (During His First Voyage), and Documents Relating to the Voyages of John Cabot and Gaspar Corte Real (London: Hakluyt Society, 1893), 73, 135, 41. [↩]
25. Bartolomé de Las Casas, A Brief Business relationship of the Devastation of the Indies . . . (1552; Project Gutenberg, 2007), 147. http://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/20321, accessed June 11, 2018. [↩]
26. Dean R. Snow, "Microchronology and Demographic Evidence Relating to the Size of Pre-Columbian Due north American Indian Populations," Science 268, no. 5217 (June 16, 1995): 1601. [↩]
27. Jack Weatherford, Indian Givers: How the Indians of the Americas Transformed the World (New York: Random Firm, 1988), 195. [↩]
28. J. H. Elliott, Purple Espana 1469–1716 (London: Edward Arnold, 1963), 53. [↩]
29. Victor Butler-Thomas et al, The Cambridge Economic History of Latin America: Volume i, The Colonial Era and the Brusk Nineteenth Century (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2005). [↩]
30. Bernal Díaz del Castillo, The Discovery and Conquest of Mexico, 1517–1521, trans. A. P. Maudslay (New York: Da Capo Press, 1996), 190–191. [↩]
31. Bernardino de Sahagún, Florentine Codex: General History of the Things of New Spain (Common salt Lake Metropolis: University of Utah Printing, 1970). [↩]
32. Suzanne Bost, Mulattas and Mestizas: Representing Mixed Identities in the Americas, 1850–2000 (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2003), 27. [↩]
33. Stafford Poole, C. M., Our Lady of Guadalupe: The Origins and Sources of a Mexican National Symbol, 1531–1797 (Tucson: University of Arizona Printing, 1995). [↩]
34. Henry F. Dobyns, Their Number Become Thinned: Native American Population Dynamics in Eastern North America (Knoxville: Academy of Tennessee Press, 1983). [↩]

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